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OF THE MEETINGS OF THE LEARNED ELDERS OF ZION
OF THE MEETINGS OF THE LEARNED ELDERS OF ZION
....Putting aside fine phrases we shall speak of the significance of each
thought: by comparisons and deductions we shall throw light upon surrounding
What I am about to set forth, then, is our system from the two points of view,
that of ourselves and that of the GOYIM [i.e., non- Jews].
It must be noted that men with bad instincts are more in number than the good,
and therefore the best results in governing them are attained by violence and
terrorisation, and not by academic discussions. Every man aims at power,
everyone would like to become a dictator if only he could, and rare indeed are
the men who would not be willing to sacrifice the welfare of all for the sake of
securing their own welfare.
What has restrained the beasts of prey who are called men? What has served for
their guidance hitherto?
In the beginnings of the structure of society, they were subjected to brutal and
blind force; after words - to Law, which is the same force, only disguised. I
draw the conclusion that by the law of nature right lies in force.
Political freedom is an idea but not a fact. This idea one must know how to
apply whenever it appears necessary with this bait of an idea to attract the
masses of the people to one's party for the purpose of crushing another who is
in authority. This task is rendered easier of the opponent has himself been
infected with the idea of freedom, SO-CALLED LIBERALISM, and, for the sake of an
idea, is willing to yield some of his power. It is precisely here that the
triumph of our theory appears; the slackened reins of government are
immediately, by the law of life, caught up and gathered together by a new hand,
because the blind might of the nation cannot for one single day exist without
guidance, and the new authority merely fits into the place of the old already
weakened by liberalism.
In our day the power which has replaced that of the rulers who were liberal is
the power of Gold. Time was when Faith ruled. The idea of freedom is impossible
of realization because no one knows how to use it with moderation. It is enough
to hand over a people to self-government for a certain length of time for that
people to be turned into a disorganized mob. From that moment on we get
internecine strife which soon develops into battles between classes, in the
midst of which States burn down and their importance is reduced to that of a
heap of ashes.
Whether a State exhausts itself in its own convulsions, whether its internal
discord brings it under the power of external foes - in any case it can be
accounted irretrievable lost: IT IS IN OUR POWER. The despotism of Capital,
which is entirely in our hands, reaches out to it a straw that the State,
willy-nilly, must take hold of: if not - it goes to the bottom.
Should anyone of a liberal mind say that such reflections as the above are
immoral, I would put the following questions: If every State has two foes and if
in regard to the external foe it is allowed and not considered immoral to use
every manner and art of conflict, as for example to keep the enemy in ignorance
of plans of attack and defense, to attack him by night or in superior numbers,
then in what way can the same means in regard to a worse foe, the destroyer of
the structure of society and the commonweal, be called immoral and not
Is it possible for any sound logical mind to hope with any success to guide
crowds by the aid of reasonable counsels and arguments, when any objection or
contradiction, senseless though it may be, can be made and when such objection
may find more favor with the people, whose powers of reasoning are superficial?
Men in masses and the men of the masses, being guided solely by petty passions,
paltry beliefs, traditions and sentimental theorems, fall a prey to party
dissension, which hinders any kind of agreement even on the basis of a perfectly
reasonable argument. Every resolution of a crowd depends upon a chance or packed
majority, which, in its ignorance of political secrets, puts forth some
ridiculous resolution that lays in the administration a seed of anarchy.
The political has nothing in common with the moral. The ruler who is governed by
the moral is not a skilled politician, and is therefore unstable on his throne.
He who wishes to rule must have recourse both to cunning and to make-believe.
Great national qualities, like frankness and honesty, are vices in politics, for
they bring down rulers from their thrones more effectively and more certainly
than the most powerful enemy. Such qualities must be the attributes of the
kingdoms of the GOYIM, but we must in no wise be guided by them.
Our right lies in force. The word "right" is an abstract thought and
proved by nothing. The word means no more than: Give me what I want in order
that thereby I may have a proof that I am stronger than you.
Where does right begin? Where does it end?
In any State in which there is a bad organization of authority, an impersonality
of laws and of the rulers who have lost their personality amid the flood of
rights ever multiplying out of liberalism, I find a new right - to attack by the
right of the strong, and to scatter to the winds all existing forces of order
and regulation, to reconstruct all institutions and to become the sovereign lord
of those who have left to us the rights of their power by laying them down
voluntarily in their liberalism.
Our power in the present tottering condition of all forms of power will be more
invincible than any other, because it will remain invisible until the moment
when it has gained such strength that no cunning can any longer undermine it.
Out of the temporary evil we are now compelled to commit will emerge the good of
an unshakable rule, which will restore the regular course of the machinery of
the national life, brought to naught by liberalism. The result justifies the
means. Let us, however, in our plans, direct our attention not so much to what
is good and moral as to what is necessary and useful.
Before us is a plan in which is laid down strategically the line from which we
cannot deviate without running the risk of seeing the labor of many centuries
brought to naught.
In order to elaborate satisfactory forms of action it is necessary to have
regard to the rascality, the slackness, the instability of the mob, its lack of
capacity to understand and respect the conditions of its own life, or its own
welfare. It must be understood that the might of a mob is blind, senseless and
unreasoning force ever at the mercy of a suggestion from any side. The blind
cannot lead the blind without bringing them into the abyss; consequently,
members of the mob, upstarts from the people even though they should be as a
genius for wisdom, yet having no understanding of the political, cannot come
forward as leaders of the mob without bringing the whole nation to ruin.
Only one trained from childhood for independent rule can have understanding of
the words that can be made up of the political alphabet.
A people left to itself, i.e., to upstarts from its midst, brings itself to ruin
by party dissensions excited by the pursuit of power and honors and the
disorders arising therefrom. Is it possible for the masses of the people calmly
and without petty jealousies to form judgment, to deal with the affairs of the
country, which cannot be mixed up with personal interest? Can they defend
themselves from an external foe? It is unthinkable; for a plan broken up into as
many parts as there are heads in the mob, loses all homogeneity, and thereby
becomes unintelligible and impossible of execution.
It is only with a despotic ruler that plans can be elaborated extensively and
clearly in such a way as to distribute the whole properly among the several
parts of the machinery of the State: from this the conclusion is inevitable that
a satisfactory form of government for any country is one that concentrates in
the hands of one responsible person. Without an absolute despotism there can be
no existence for civilization which is carried on not by the masses but by their
guide, whosoever that person may be. The mob is savage, and displays its
savagery at every opportunity. The moment the mob seizes freedom in its hands it
quickly turns to anarchy, which in itself is the highest degree of savagery.
Behold the alcoholic animals, bemused with drink, the right to an immoderate use
of which comes along with freedom. It is not for us and ours to walk that road.
The peoples of the GOYIM are bemused with alcoholic liquors; their youth has
grown stupid on classicism and from early immorality, into which it has been
inducted by our special agents - by tutors, lackeys, governesses in the houses
of the wealthy, by clerks and others, by our women in the places of dissipation
frequented by the GOYIM. In the number of these last I count also the so-called
"society ladies," voluntary followers of the others in corruption and
Our countersign is - Force and Make-believe. Only force conquers in political
affairs, especially if it be concealed in the talents essential to statesmen.
Violence must be the principle, and cunning and make-believe the rule for
governments which do not want to lay down their crowns at the feet of agents of
some new power. This evil is the one and only means to attain the end, the good.
Therefore we must not stop at bribery, deceit and treachery when they should
serve towards the attainment of our end. In politics one must know how to seize
the property of others without hesitation if by it we secure submission and
Our State, marching along the path of peaceful conquest, has the right to
replace the horrors of war by less noticeable and more satisfactory sentences of
death, necessary to maintain the terror which tends to produce blind submission.
Just but merciless severity is the greatest factor of strength in the State: not
only for the sake of gain but also in the name of duty, for the sake of victory,
we must keep to the programme of violence and make-believe. The doctrine of
squaring accounts is precisely as strong as the means of which it makes use.
Therefore it is not so much by the means themselves as by the doctrine of
severity that we shall triumph and bring all governments into subjection to our
super-government. It is enough for them to know that we are too merciless for
all disobedience to cease.
SHALL END LIBERTY
Far back in ancient times we were the first to cry among the masses of the
people the words "Liberty, Equality, Fraternity," words many times
repeated since these days by stupid poll- parrots who, from all sides around,
flew down upon these baits and with them carried away the well-being of the
world, true freedom of the individual, formerly so well guarded against the
pressure of the mob. The would-be wise men of the GOYIM, the intellectuals,
could not make anything out of the uttered words in their abstractedness; did
not see that in nature there is no equality, cannot be freedom: that Nature
herself has established inequality of minds, of characters, and capacities, just
as immutably as she has established subordination to her laws: never stopped to
think that the mob is a blind thing, that upstarts elected from among it to bear
rule are, in regard to the political, the same blind men as the mob itself, that
the adept, though he be a fool, can yet rule, whereas the non-adept, even if he
were a genius, understands nothing in the political - to all those things the
GOYIM paid no regard; yet all the time it was based upon these things that
dynastic rule rested: the father passed on to the son a knowledge of the course
of political affairs in such wise that none should know it but members of the
dynasty and none could betray it to the governed. As time went on, the meaning
of the dynastic transference of the true position of affairs in the political
was lost, and this aided the success of our cause.
In all corners of the earth the words "Liberty, Equality, Fraternity,"
brought to our ranks, thanks to our blind agents, whole legions who bore our
banners with enthusiasm. And all the time these words were canker-worms at work
boring into the well-being of the GOYIM, putting an end everywhere to peace,
quiet, solidarity and destroying all the foundations of the GOYA States. As you
will see later, this helped us to our triumph: it gave us the possibility, among
other things, of getting into our hands the master card - the destruction of the
privileges, or in other words of the very existence of the aristocracy of the
GOYIM, that class which was the only defense peoples and countries had against
us. On the ruins of the eternal and genealogical aristocracy of the GOYIM we
have set up the aristocracy of our educated class headed by the aristocracy of
money. The qualifications for this aristocracy we have established in wealth,
which is dependent upon us, and in knowledge, for which our learned elders
provide the motive force.
Our triumph has been rendered easier by the fact that in our relations with the
men, whom we wanted, we have always worked upon the most sensitive chords of the
human mind, upon the cash account, upon the cupidity, upon the insatiability for
material needs of man; and each one of these human weaknesses, taken alone, is
sufficient to paralyze initiative, for it hands over the will of men to the
disposition of him who has bought their activities.
The abstraction of freedom has enabled us to persuade the mob in all countries
that their government is nothing but the steward of the people who are the
owners of the country, and that the steward may be replaced like a worn-out
It is this possibility of replacing the representatives of the people which has
placed at our disposal, and, as it were, given us the power of appointment.
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